Not just a fancy but impractical idea, blockchain is taking on a crucial role in supply chain management and finance in developing Asia. Here are some works in progress.
We’ve all heard the buzz about the potential applications of blockchain technology. But what’s actually happening in developing countries in Asia and the Pacific?
Beyond bitcoin payments and remittances, blockchain exists largely in the pilot stage. Governments and banks are collaborating with technology firms to see if it can be used to solve persistent problems like traceability, identification, and trust.
Energy 4 ways blockchain will disrupt the energy sector Read now Let’s bring some clarity to the hypotheticals. But first, what exactly is blockchain? It’s a type of database that takes records and puts them in a block (akin to, say, a sheet in your Excel file).
Each block is then “chained” to the previous block, using a cryptographic signature. This allows blockchains to be used like a ledger, which can be shared and corroborated by anyone with permission.
In short, it’s peer-to-peer sharing of data – it does not require a trusted intermediary. Let’s look at some ways our countries are using it.
Georgia – land registry
In 2016, Georgia and a US-incorporated provider piloted a blockchain-based platform for the National Agency of Public Registry to record land titles and integrate them into the existing digital records system.
Georgians can now register land titles and verify the dates of transactions, thereby increasing transparency and accountability. The original agreement was expanded in 2017 to include other government departments.
Technically, there are two parts to the system. A private blockchain, on which the government records data on transactions, and a public blockchain. The information on ownership is publicly available, although the data underlying it are not - in order to protect the owner’s privacy.
Cambodia – payment systems
Last April, the National Bank of Cambodia (NBC) signed an agreement with a Japanese startup to design a new payments system. The testing phase is expected to be launched by the end of this year.
The objective is to design a system for interbank transactions that will offer a secure and cost efficient way to transfer money. This can benefit many in a country where the commercial banking infrastructure is still evolving, but which enjoys solid mobile technology and connectivity.
Unique to this project is the collaborative relationship between the partners. The technology provider will build the infrastructure, and the NBC will contribute to the startup’s ongoing technology design.
Globally, many central banks have been exploring the potential of blockchain. The International Monetary Fund has encouraged this activity and urged banks to study its implications.
Indonesia – sustainable supply chains
During the first half of 2016, a UK company piloted a blockchain project that tracked the provenance of yellowfin and skipjack tuna caught by local fishermen as part of a sustainable supply chain.
This allows proof of compliance at origin, which in can potentially replace the current paper records which are difficult to verify and subject to corruption.
The system is a mix of mobile technology and blockchain. Fishers registered their catches to the blockchain via text message. Additional data are later verified and added by NGOs. Once the information is transmitted through the supply chain, it cannot be altered, and the data are visible through the product’s whole journey.
Supply chain transparency for commodities where provenance may impact consumers is moving forward quickly, and using blockchain for this is gaining traction.
Myanmar – microfinance transactions
BC Finance, the biggest microfinance institution in Myanmar, is working with a Japanese firm to record transactions on blockchain.
The partners hope that this initiative can propel the sector’s growth by cutting costs and reducing the administrative complexity of tracking large numbers of small transactions.
It is expected that blockchain technology can be useful in a country like Myanmar, where advanced accounting systems are not yet in place. However, obstacles include frequent power outages and low-quality local circuits.
Finance in general and trade finance in particular, is one of the more active areas for blockchain development. Commercial banks throughout the region are participating in consortiums to come up with blockchain solutions to the very expensive, slow, and opaque trade process.
Bottom line
Blockchain pilots are making waves in countries in developing Asia for two reasons.
The first reason is that most developing countries don’t have legacy systems that need to be replaced. Blockchain can provide the first upgrade of an existing inefficient system, or introduce infrastructure that didn’t exist before.
The second reason for the widespread interest stems from the light regulatory infrastructure in many countries. So far, this has been an opportunity, but it also raises some concerns as this technology matures.
ADB can play an important role in ensuring that blockchain is implemented in a development-friendly way. We can bring together regulators, best practices, IT experts, and officials to ensure everyone is on the same page.
Alisa DiCaprio is Economic Researcher at ADB Institute and Steven Beck is Head of Trade Finance at ADB. This post is republished from the ADB blog.
Source : http://www.eco-business.com/opinion/blockchain-pilots-making-waves-in-developing-asia/
Monday, July 3, 2017
Press freedom 'under threat' in new Myanmar
Under the military junta that ruled Myanmar for nearly 50 years, the media were tightly controlled.
But after a quasi-civilian government took over in 2011, many curbs were lifted and a rigid censorship regime abolished.
Journalists were among masses of political prisoners released, and media outlets mushroomed to serve a highly literate population that had been starved of independent news.
When the party of Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Laureate kept under house arrest for years because of her democratic activism, won historic elections in 2015, many expected more media freedom would follow.
But journalists and press freedom advocates are alarmed by what they say is an increasingly heavy-handed approach, especially on matters of sensitivity to the military, which retains significant power.
The latest case involves three journalists arrested by the military on 26 June after watching the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), a rebel group, burn drugs in north-eastern Shan State.
Aye Nai, 53, and Pyae Phone Naing, 24, report for the Democratic Voice of Burma broadcaster, while Lawi Weng, 38, works for The Irrawaddy news magazine and website. Both outlets were run by exiles who fled during the junta era to report on abuses in the then pariah state, and who returned home after reforms in 2012.
The trio were handed to police and charged under the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act for having alleged contact with the TNLA, which the army has recently been clashing with and describes as a "terrorist" group. They could face up to three years in prison, and a close aide of Ms Suu Kyi has defended the charges.
"It's true that they broke the law by going to meet ethnic groups," Win Htein, a former political prisoner, said.
Yet the case has caused uproar because many journalists have met TNLA rebels without facing prosecution, and the group came into direct contact with reporters and officials when it attended peace talks in May in the capital, Naypyitaw.
'Climate of fear'
Lawi Weng is well-respected for his reporting on ethnic armed groups around Myanmar.
His fiancée, Loa Htaw, told Reuters news agency that he was well aware that he could be jailed for reporting on such issues, and criticising both the military and government.
But "he needs to report for the voiceless and the powerless", she said.
Aung Zaw, editor of The Irrawaddy, said his reporter had been planning to investigate reports of abuses by the army and local militias in the area.
He said he had been unlawfully arrested, and that journalists were legally allowed to gather news in conflict zones. "Our work is under threat," he told the BBC.
In an opinion piece, he wrote: "The return of a climate of fear is very disturbing, particularly after the National League for Democracy won a landslide victory in the 2015 election.
"I can't help but recall Lawi's optimism on Election Day. No, he was not thinking that he would eventually be locked up under this government".
Facebook posts targeted
The arrests come weeks after two journalists from The Voice newspaper were sued by the military over a satirical article.
Editor Kyaw Min Swe remains in custody and has been charged with defamation under a controversial section of the telecommunications law that human rights groups say is being used to silence criticism of the military and government online.
Activists say at least 71 people have been charged under Section 66(d) since the law came into force in 2013 - the vast majority after Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD took power.
One man was sentenced to six months for posting a poem on Facebook about having a tattoo of former President Thein Sein on his penis.
Aung San Suu Kyi has come under sustained criticism internationally for what many perceive as her failure to speak out about grave human rights abuses allegedly committed by the military against the Muslim minority Rohingya community, and civilians from other ethnic minorities in conflict-affected areas.
The treatment of journalists under her government has also come under scrutiny.
Some Myanmar watchers say that not all the criticism is warranted, however. The military retains significant power throughout the country, and controls the defence, home and border affairs ministries and holds 25% of the seats in Parliament.
As a tenuous democratic transition continues, Ms Suu Kyi's room to manoeuvre is tight and she is choosing her priorities carefully, some argue.
In April, she told the BBC that she was "just a politician" and "no Mother Theresa".
Suu Kyi denies Rohingya ethnic cleansing
A global icon, isolated
Still, with a parliamentary majority the NLD government "has the power to amend or abolish many repressive laws" that are used to target journalists, the Democratic Voice of Burma's editor-in-chief Aye Chan Naing told the BBC.
He adds that the arrest of two of his journalists for doing their "normal job" is "shocking ".
"It's very disappointing the way the government [has reacted] on this case," he says.
"We can understand the way the military is acting but it's really shocking to see [the government], instead of helping and siding with the independent journalists, is kind of giving the green light to the military to go ahead."
But Win Htein, the aide to Ms Suu Kyi, has said that getting a peace deal is a bigger priority than amending the Unlawful Associations Act.
Mratt Kyaw Thu, a senior reporter with the magazine Frontier Myanmar, says he doesn't believe journalists will stop reporting from conflict zones and on ethnic armed groups.
But he does admit that the recent series of cases has sparked fresh debate among reporters about how far they can go in criticising the military.
He says journalists approached Aung San Suu Kyi on 28 June to ask about press freedom in the wake of the arrests, "but she never listens about that".
Source : http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-40448504
But after a quasi-civilian government took over in 2011, many curbs were lifted and a rigid censorship regime abolished.
Journalists were among masses of political prisoners released, and media outlets mushroomed to serve a highly literate population that had been starved of independent news.
When the party of Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Laureate kept under house arrest for years because of her democratic activism, won historic elections in 2015, many expected more media freedom would follow.
But journalists and press freedom advocates are alarmed by what they say is an increasingly heavy-handed approach, especially on matters of sensitivity to the military, which retains significant power.
The latest case involves three journalists arrested by the military on 26 June after watching the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), a rebel group, burn drugs in north-eastern Shan State.
Aye Nai, 53, and Pyae Phone Naing, 24, report for the Democratic Voice of Burma broadcaster, while Lawi Weng, 38, works for The Irrawaddy news magazine and website. Both outlets were run by exiles who fled during the junta era to report on abuses in the then pariah state, and who returned home after reforms in 2012.
The trio were handed to police and charged under the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act for having alleged contact with the TNLA, which the army has recently been clashing with and describes as a "terrorist" group. They could face up to three years in prison, and a close aide of Ms Suu Kyi has defended the charges.
"It's true that they broke the law by going to meet ethnic groups," Win Htein, a former political prisoner, said.
Yet the case has caused uproar because many journalists have met TNLA rebels without facing prosecution, and the group came into direct contact with reporters and officials when it attended peace talks in May in the capital, Naypyitaw.
'Climate of fear'
Lawi Weng is well-respected for his reporting on ethnic armed groups around Myanmar.
His fiancée, Loa Htaw, told Reuters news agency that he was well aware that he could be jailed for reporting on such issues, and criticising both the military and government.
But "he needs to report for the voiceless and the powerless", she said.
Aung Zaw, editor of The Irrawaddy, said his reporter had been planning to investigate reports of abuses by the army and local militias in the area.
He said he had been unlawfully arrested, and that journalists were legally allowed to gather news in conflict zones. "Our work is under threat," he told the BBC.
In an opinion piece, he wrote: "The return of a climate of fear is very disturbing, particularly after the National League for Democracy won a landslide victory in the 2015 election.
"I can't help but recall Lawi's optimism on Election Day. No, he was not thinking that he would eventually be locked up under this government".
Facebook posts targeted
The arrests come weeks after two journalists from The Voice newspaper were sued by the military over a satirical article.
Editor Kyaw Min Swe remains in custody and has been charged with defamation under a controversial section of the telecommunications law that human rights groups say is being used to silence criticism of the military and government online.
Activists say at least 71 people have been charged under Section 66(d) since the law came into force in 2013 - the vast majority after Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD took power.
One man was sentenced to six months for posting a poem on Facebook about having a tattoo of former President Thein Sein on his penis.
Aung San Suu Kyi has come under sustained criticism internationally for what many perceive as her failure to speak out about grave human rights abuses allegedly committed by the military against the Muslim minority Rohingya community, and civilians from other ethnic minorities in conflict-affected areas.
The treatment of journalists under her government has also come under scrutiny.
Some Myanmar watchers say that not all the criticism is warranted, however. The military retains significant power throughout the country, and controls the defence, home and border affairs ministries and holds 25% of the seats in Parliament.
As a tenuous democratic transition continues, Ms Suu Kyi's room to manoeuvre is tight and she is choosing her priorities carefully, some argue.
In April, she told the BBC that she was "just a politician" and "no Mother Theresa".
Suu Kyi denies Rohingya ethnic cleansing
A global icon, isolated
Still, with a parliamentary majority the NLD government "has the power to amend or abolish many repressive laws" that are used to target journalists, the Democratic Voice of Burma's editor-in-chief Aye Chan Naing told the BBC.
He adds that the arrest of two of his journalists for doing their "normal job" is "shocking ".
"It's very disappointing the way the government [has reacted] on this case," he says.
"We can understand the way the military is acting but it's really shocking to see [the government], instead of helping and siding with the independent journalists, is kind of giving the green light to the military to go ahead."
But Win Htein, the aide to Ms Suu Kyi, has said that getting a peace deal is a bigger priority than amending the Unlawful Associations Act.
Mratt Kyaw Thu, a senior reporter with the magazine Frontier Myanmar, says he doesn't believe journalists will stop reporting from conflict zones and on ethnic armed groups.
But he does admit that the recent series of cases has sparked fresh debate among reporters about how far they can go in criticising the military.
He says journalists approached Aung San Suu Kyi on 28 June to ask about press freedom in the wake of the arrests, "but she never listens about that".
Source : http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-40448504