Myanmar web users looking online for freedom

Yangon: Kam Khan Cin travelled for four days from his remote mountaintop town to attend Myanmar's forum on web freedom as the country embraces its long-vilified netizens as part of sweeping reforms.

The engineering student said he was compelled to journey to Yangon, an arduous trip made all the harder by monsoon rains that deluged the dirt roads of his native Chin state, to "find out what rights we are entitled to."

"I believe that we will get those rights one day," he said.

Most residents in his hometown of Tedim cannot afford mobile phones, but there are three Internet cafes and Kam Khan Cin perseveres to get online -- even though it often takes 15 minutes to load a page.

"I can see what is happening in other places through the Internet. I feel connected with the world," the 25-year-old told AFP.

Sanctions and economic mismanagement under decades of military rule left Myanmar impoverished and cut off from the world, an isolation deepened by a system of online repression imposed by the paranoid generals.

Less than one percent of the country's population have access to the Internet and for those that do, unreliable electricity supplies and painfully slow connection speeds often make websurfing an excruciating experience.

But web users say the curtain is lifting.

Former political prisoners and activists mingled with politicians and government officials at Myanmar Internet Freedom Forum on Saturday all eager to hear debates on everything from censorship to cyber law.

"The system has changed -- instead of the government giving out commands, it listens to the voices of the people. We want to know what we can do to create the Internet freedom that people want," said information technology deputy minister Thaung Tin.

He outlined a vision of fast, cheap and widely-available web access that would have been unthinkable under the previous regime, which banned websites like the BBC and criminalised online dissent.

Government ministers from a new quasi-civilian regime now use Facebook -- once only accessible through proxy sites -- as their preferred medium to make announcements and quote the BBC and formerly-prohibited exile media groups.

Thaung Tin said Google, Yahoo!, Microsoft and Intel have all held discussions with the government about boosting web access in the country, as global firms eye what is now seen as one of Asia's last untapped technology markets.

But hurdles remain, despite international interest in the fast-changing nation.

"I told Microsoft that we want to use their licensed software in our country rather than pirated copies," he said adding that he had asked the firm to provide it for a "reasonable" price.

"They asked me how much is reasonable for us. I answered: 'Honestly, anything more than FOC (free of charge) is expensive'."

Under the former regime connections were slowed down on politically significant dates, such as the August 8 anniversary of a mass political uprising in 1988.

Myanmar's citizens used the web to leak extensive accounts and video of bloodshed during monk-led protests in 2007 to the outside world, prompting the regime to tighten its control of the Internet.

The country was still listed as "not free" in 2012 by rights group Freedom House, which sponsored the Yangon conference.

Myanmar's reforms have included scrapping a harsh censorship that muzzled the media, releasing political prisoners and unblocking news sites.

A report published by international media watchdog Reporters Without Borders in December said Internet cafe owners were no longer getting police visits.

But it noted that repressive laws -- under which journalists, bloggers and dissidents were previously jailed -- had yet to be dismantled.

They include the Electronic Transaction Law, which makes using the Internet or digital technology for anti-government activities punishable by up to 15 years in prison.

"Freedom is not only measured by being able to look at websites freely, bandwidth and Internet speed should also be in line with international standards," said blogger and activist Nay Phone Latt, who was behind the Yangon forum.

He told AFP that the proliferation of hate speech online during religious violence between Buddhists and Muslims that has swept the country since last year was a concern, particularly as MPs recently set up an entire committee to expose a blogger critical of parliament.

On a visit to Myanmar in March, Google chairman Eric Schmidt said the Internet would make it "impossible to go back".

His vision appears to have been enthusiastically embraced by at least some of Myanmar's new leaders.

Thaung Tin told the Internet conference that he imagines a Myanmar where rural children, instead of being hampered by electricity blackouts, are able to use tablet computers to search online for help with their schoolwork.

"How pleasant is it when you close your eyes and think about it!" he said.

"Nothing is impossible any longer."

ITU/ASEAN Subregional CSIRT/CIRT/CERT Workshop for CLMV

The International Telecommunication Union (ITU) and ASEAN are jointly organizing the ITU - ASEAN Subregional CSIRT/CIRT/CERT Workshop for Cambodia, Lao P.D.R., Myanmar and VietNam (CLMV) which will be held in Yangon, Myanmar on 29 Nov – 1 Dec 2011. The Workshop is hosted by the Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs of Myanmar

The Workshop is a joint effort of ITU and ASEAN Telecommunications and IT Senior Officials (TELSOM) that aims to provide a platform for cooperation, information sharing, and discussion on cybersecurity and with particular focus on CSIRT/CIRT/CERT policies, procedures, best practices, challenges and opportunities among participants from ASEAN Member Countries, in particular, Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar and VietNam (CLMV) and ASEAN Dialogue Partners.

The Workshop aims to contribute to previous as well as ongoing global activities related to building confidence and security in the use of ICTs (WSIS Action Line C5) and is linked to the ITU Global Cybersecurity Agenda (GCA) and Hyderabad Action Plan Programme 2 (Cybersecurity, ICT Applications and IP-based network-related issues). It expects to bring together CIRT practitioners, senior government officials, cybersecurity experts, related industry players and other stakeholder groups from ICT and security sectors with the end in view of strengthening the countries’ CIRTs, their cybersecurity fundamentals as well as building a network of cybersecurity experts in ASEAN.

One important feature of the Workshop is the conduct of a cyber drill/simulation on the last day of the workshop. Thus, participation of your national CIRT practitioners is highly recommended. Please find attached a tentative Workshop Programme, for your reference.

Please be also informed that as co-organizer, ASEAN will be offering sponsorship to participants of Cambodia, Lao P.D.R., VietNam; and Myanmar (if they are not residing in Yangon), as well as speakers of some ASEAN Member States, inclusive of airfare, lodging and per diem. The ASEAN Secretariat will be contacting the relevant focal points of your Administration for more details. Participants from all other ASEAN Member States are encouraged to participate in the Workshop on self-funding basis.

Original link : http://www.itu.int/ITU-D/asp/CMS/Events/2011/CIRTWkshp/

Is Burma China's Satellite State? The Answer is Yes

President Thein Sein, a former military general and protégé of dictator Snr Gen Than Shwe, is on a three-day state visit to China to pay a formal courtesy call to the leaders in Beijing and to cement what is fast becoming a strong relationship.

Aung Zaw is founder
and editor of
the Irrawaddy magazine.
He can be reached
at aungzaw@irrawaddy.org.

Indeed, we should not forget the historical relationship between the two countries: in 1949, Burma was one of the first countries to recognize the People's Republic of China.

But that doesn't mean that the relationship has always been smooth sailing.

Anti-Chinese riots were widespread in Burma in 1967, while for its part, China played an active role in supporting communist insurgents in Burma.

We must not forget that Beijing has at times played tough with the incompetent generals of Burma, most notably during the Kokang Crisis in August 2009 when Beijing reprimanded Burma over the instability at their common border when some 37,000 refugees fled into Chinese territory.

Beijing was reportedly enraged, and Burma quickly dispatched high-ranking officials to mend the fence.

On the issue of trade and investment, China plays a key role—extracting natural resources from Burma's ethnic states.

China made huge investments in hydropower, oil and gas, totaling $8.17 billion, Xinhua reported last year, citing the regime’s own statistics.

Indeed, by the end of March this year, China's investment in Burma has risen to US $15.5 billion from $12.3 billion at the end of 2010.

There is no doubt that the Chinese invasion of Burma is visible in the growing numbers of Chinese migrants and businessmen in Burma's second largest city, Mandalay, as well as in Shan and Kachin States where they have opened shops and businesses, and regularly buy land.

It is believed that over the last 20 years, hundreds of thousands of Chinese have migrated to Burma. Many of them have obtained Burmese nationality cards through corrupt immigration officials. China's persistent presence in Burma is significant—many local Burmese have begun learning Mandarin to help secure jobs, prompting a joke in Burma that the future leaders of the country will be fluent in Chinese next time they visit Beijing.

Shortly after the Burmese military crushed a pro-democracy movement 22 years ago, China was one of the first neighboring countries to back the newly installed junta, providing it with arms, jet fighters, naval ships and ammunition. Since then, its unwavering support for the regime in Burma has only grown.

Before 1988, China had supported and financed hardcore Burmese communist insurgents that waged bloody civil war against the Burmese regime.

China’s strategic shift toward Burma shows a more pragmatic approach than its previous ideological war.
Indeed, sadly, the policy shift does nothing more than preserve the brutal regime in Burma, and plays a destructive role toward Burma’s embattled democracy movement.

Outside of Burma, Beijing’s policy toward Naypyidaw has raised heated debate between pro-sanctions and anti-sanctions groups. The argument now is that it is time to counter China's growing political and business clout in Burma. Western companies and governments feel that this is all just a case of too little, too late—time to follow Beijing’s footsteps.

Li Junhua, the current Chinese ambassador to Burma, told Xinhua news agency that Thein Sein’s state visit would certainly push the two countries' strategic and mutually beneficial cooperation toward a new high.

Burma’s military leaders often call China their “most important friendly neighbor,” and they can now continue to develop their strategic relations with Beijing after putting to bed November's general election.

But it takes two to tango—Beijing realized that Naypyidaw has much to offer.

Burma has offered strategic access to the Bay of Bengal. Underlining this deepening strategic cooperation, Chinese naval ships last year made a port call for the first time in Burmese territorial waters.

During his visit, Thein Sein is expected to discuss in depth the issue of China's navy docking in Burmese ports, and the Chinese desire to provide naval protection for its oil and gas facilities at the Burmese seaport of Kyaukpyu in the Bay of Bengal.

Informed sources have said that Chinese officials are not suggesting a Chinese navy base in Burma, but simply having the permission to dock their warships at Burma's ports while they are patrolling the Indian Ocean and Somali coast.

Returning from a counter-piracy operation in the Indian Ocean in August 2010, two warships, the Guangzhou and the Chaohu, docked at Thilawa Port, near Rangoon, for a five-day visit.

Other issues of mutual concern, such as border security, military relations and business agreements, are expected to take a back seat on this particular visit.

China has also played a friendly intermediary role between Burma and North Korea since the two countries formally restored diplomatic relations in 2007.

Interestingly, the previous regime’s secret military missions to North Korea were taken via China.
It can safely be said that Beijing approves of and backs Burma’s desire to develop military contacts with North Korea. Overall, it looks like China’s role as a big brother to Burma will continue, and we can foresee China and Burma developing deeper military ties.

China also protects Burma from the teeth of the UN Security Council.

Various Burmese military leaders have either quietly or openly expressed admiration for China’s economic growth—it is the model they want to follow in their quest for economic reform. In fact, they fondly talk about Shanghai’s skyscrapers, with no mention of New York.

No doubt then that China is an important ally for the repressive regime to fend off the scathing opinions of Western governments, which have long criticized the junta’s appalling human rights records and are now backing the establishment of a UN Commission of Inquiry into crimes against humanity in Burma. China protects the regime and bullies the Western critics to back off any Naypyidaw when it faces a crucial censure or resolution.

Since November's deeply flawed election has won international backing, Chinese officials will strengthen their hand with the confidence that Naypyidaw owes them, and that they have much more to gain from Burma’s new government.

Ambassador Li praised Thein Sein's first presidential speech delivered, suggesting that it provided a strong signal to the people of Burma and the international community that the new government will make greater efforts in developing the economy, speed up its rate of opening doors to the outside world, improve the living standards of its people, and strengthen the ties between different nationalities based on foundations laid by the previous government.

Li told Xinhua that Burma’s new government is more self-confident and more active diplomatically, after seeing Thein Sein at the Asean Summit in Indonesia.

Consequently, as Beijing spreads its wings of influence in Asia, Thein Sein's visit will be seen as an important step in ensuring that close neighbor Burma remains a strategic ally in the foreseeable future.

It doesn’t matter to Beijing how many political prisoners are being locked up or how many ethnic minorities are slaughtered in the ongoing civil war in Burma—as long as the regime is stable, and China’s national interests are untouched.

To Chinese, as the saying goes—it doesn't matter whether it is a white cat or a black cat, as long as it can catch mice.

Internet cafés must reapply for a business license

All Burmese ‘public access centre’ Internet cafes have been ordered to reapply for a  business license from the state-owned Myanmar Post and Telegraph (MPT), according to an MPT official.

Previously, Internet cafes had to apply to Myanmar Info Tech and Yadanabon Teleport, but MPT took over the process in April 2011. It issued an advisory to all Internet cafes to reapply within 30 days starting April 25. However, some of the Internet cafes did not receive the advisory, sources said.

The advisory said a fine of 30,000 kyat (US$ 36.58) per month may be issued or a license revoked if annual fees and dues are not paid within 90 days of the expiration date.

License fees can be paid at the Naypyitaw and Rangoon Division Directorate of Communication, or, in states and regions at postal offices.

License fees have been lowered. Previously, Internet cafes paid 500,000 kyat ($610) for initial fees for installation of cables and equipment, an annual fee of 600,000 kyat at the rate of 50,000 kyat per month. MPT now charges 500,000 kyat ($610) for installation and an annual fee of 360,000 ($440) at the rate of 30,000 kyat ($36.58) per month.

According to the most recent data, there are 802 Internet cafes registered with Myanmar Info Tech. A total of 584 cafes are in the Rangoon municipal area, 21 in Mandalay and 197 in other towns and cities.

All Internet cafes are instructed to register a customer’s name, contact address, phone number and ID number, or a passport number for foreigners. The information is sent to the Directorate of Communication monthly.

Cafes are also required to block banned software and programmes on their computers and they are subject to inspection by the authorities.

MPT has issued a ban on using floppy drives, CD drives, USB ports and other external drives in computers.

Internet cafes are responsible for monitoring and blocking information which can jeopardize state secrets and state interests. Violation of the regulation carries a maximum prison term of five years under the Official Secrets Act.

Computer users are frequently charged under section 33(a) of Electronics Law Act which carries a maximum prison term of 15 years. More than 40 people have been imprisoned under this act including blogger Nay Phone Latt and comedian Zargana, according to the Thai-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP-B).

Recently, former army captain Nay Myo Zin, who worked with the South Dagon Township blood donation group, was arrested and charged under the Electronics Law Act.

Source : http://www.mizzima.com/business/5333-internet-cafes-must-reapply-for-a-business-license.html

Surveillance of media and Internet stepped up under new civilian president

Press freedom and online freedom of information are still being flouted in Burma, three months after Thein Sein’s election as a civilian president. He promised to “respect the role of the media” but heavy jail sentences for journalists, suspension of newspapers and police raids on Internet cafés show that there has been no let-up in controls and intimidation. And now a string of new measures have just tightened control over Internet use.

“Thein Sein announced a general amnesty on 16 April for prisoners sentenced to death but there has been no pardon for Burma’s 2,000 political prisoners,” Reporters Without Borders said. “The regime’s professions of good intentions aim to deflect attention from recent measures designed to reinforce restrictions on news and information.

“The authorities clearly fear that the Arab Spring could spread. The new regulations are intended to intimidate Burmese Internet users and cut them off from the outside world. It is unacceptable that Burma is reacting in this way while chairing ASEAN, whose charter mentions respect for fundamental freedoms, the promotion and protection of human rights and the promotion of social justice.”

The press freedom organization added: “We urge ASEAN’s members including Indonesia, which takes over its presidency this year, to put pressure on Burma to adhere to this regional organization’s principles.”

Reporters Without Borders learned last week that the Burmese government’s censorship bureau, called the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD), has suspended the Rangoon-based weekly True News for two weeks – supposedly for misreporting a mobile phone offer by the Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs (MCPT).

According to the exile news outlet Irrawaddy, the MCPT objected to a report quoting its chief telecommunications engineer, Zaw Min Oo, as saying anyone who owned a GSM mobile phone, which retail for 1.5 million kyat (US $1,830), would be able to get a second one for just 50,000 kyat ($60). But a True News reporter who requested anonymity said other articles published by weekly were the real reason for the suspension.

At the same time, the MCPT has just sent a new set of rules to Internet cafés, which were already subject to draconian regulations imposed by the ministry, including a requirement to keep the personal data of all their clients along with a record of all the websites they visit, and make it available to the authorities.

The new set of directives includes a ban on the use of portable hard disks, USB flash drives and CDs in Internet cafés, and a ban on the use of Internet telephony (VoIP) services to call abroad. The grounds given by the ministry is the need to protect the state’s income from international phone calls but it will isolate dissidents more and discourage Internet users from expressing themselves freely. Above all, it will affect users of services such as Skype, Gtalk, Pfingo and VZO, which are hard to monitor for the authorities.

Reporters Without Borders has obtained a copy of the directives, which were emailed to Internet cafés earlier this month. How they will be implemented is not always clear:

Rules for Owners of Public Access Centres

1. Personal information of PAC users such as name, National Registration Card number, passport number (if the user is a foreigner), contact address, telephone number etc. must be registered.

2. Service Records of all PAC users (date, time, screen shot, URLs) must be submitted once a month to the Directorate of Communication.

3. Utilizing Internet for international phone calls is prohibited as it is illegal and not permitted by the Department of Communication.

4. PACs are not allowed to use software, programs and technologies banned by the Ministry of Post and Telecommunication, Directorate of Communication and Department of Communication. PACs must also make sure that such software, programs and technologies are not utilized by their customers.

5. PAC users must be informed by means of written notice that cyber crimes (hacking, virus distribution, port scanning etc.) and viewing, copying and distributing of media that is not in line with Myanmar culture are prohibited.

6. Computers at the PACs are not allowed to have floppy drive, CD drive, USB port and other external drives.

7. PAC license holders are obliged to permit inspections by PAC service providers, and officials from the ministry and the directorate, and local authorities.

8. Leasing or transferring of PAC license is prohibited. Owners can apply permission from the directorate if they wish to change the location of PAC or technologies used.

9. Owners may submit application to renew PAC license 30 days prior to the expiry date. Renewal fee / annual fee has to be prepaid. Owners who failed to pay in time will be fined 30,000 kyats per every delayed month. License will be revoked if required payment is not made within 90 days.

10. In case of lost or damage of the original document (license), a copy of it may be issued against payment.

11. Computer Development Law must be observed and restrictions stipulated by Ministry of Post and Telecommunication’s WAN-order no. 3/2002 must be followed. Orders and instructions made by the government, ministries, Department of Communication and Directorate of Communication must be observed. Perpetrators will not only have their PAC license revoked but also be punished according to the existing laws.

12. Information that could harm State’s security and interest must not be leaked. Perpetrators who leak such information will be punished with State Secret Act.

At the end of 2010, the authorities gave themselves the means to cut off the public’s Internet access during any social or political crisis without having to disconnect themselves at the same time. A reorganization of Internet Service Providers, billed as major step forward, has enabled the authorities to increase online surveillance and repression while improving the quality of their own Internet connections.

Reporters Without Borders and the Burma Media Association released an exclusive report on the subject, entitled “National Web portal – development or repression,” last November.

Burma’s Internet legislation is long been one of the most repressive in the world. Under the 1996 Electronic Act, which covers the Internet, TV and radio, importing, owning or using a modem without an official permit is punishable by up to 15 years in prison as a “violation of state security, national unity, culture, the national economy, law and order.”

Three netizens – Zarganar, Nay Phone Latt and Kaung Myat Hlaing (also known as "Nat Soe") – are still serving long jail sentences for expressing their views freely online.

Burma is on the Reporters Without Borders list of “Enemies of the Internet.” Amnesty International puts the number of Burmese political prisoners at more than 2,200. They include 17 video journalists (VJ) employed by the exile TV and radio station Democratic Voice of Burma, which recently launched a campaign for their release with support from Reporters Without Borders.

Source : http://en.rsf.org/burma-surveillance-of-media-and-internet-17-05-2011,40296.html

The Internet in Chin State

The number of Internet cafes set up in towns across Chin State has been on the increase in recent years although the electricity provided by the local authorities still remains highly 'limited and unreliable'.

At least 30 high street cybercafés are currently opened to provide Internet access to the public in major towns, with 15 in Hakha, 5 each in Tedim and Falam, 4 in Thantlang, and 1 in Tonzang, according to Chinland Guardian's sources.

However, there is no public internet access available in Mindat, Kanpetlet and Paletwa towns in southern parts of Chin State, except for the one at an Anglican Bishop Office in Paletwa, which is meant for office use only.

Sources claim that there is at least one Internet cafe open to public in Matupi town, reportedly set up since 2007.

Public Internet Access

In Chin State, public access to Internet was first made possible in the mid 2000s. Since 2006, Internet cafes were set up under the direct control of the military authorities in Chin State, according to Khonumthung News.

A travel diary posted on www.myanmar2day.com by an individual identified as Bamarlay noted: "The first time I travelled to Hakha was in 2004, December. It was cold, dark and wet. The city was constantly under blackout, and there was no internet connection."

The Burmese traveller said that Internet was still unheard of for most people in May 2005 and that one internet cafe was opened in 2007 in Hakha, the capital of Chin State.

Military-monitored Internet has been used in government offices in Chin State since the early 2000s and a public Internet with very limited access was believed to be first available in Hakha in late 2005, according to other sources.

In Hakha, all of the Internet Cafes are using an ADSL (asymmetric digital subscriber line) service, a type of broadband communications technology that gives faster connection speed, with only one shop using an IP-Star Internet connection, according to one of the local Internet Cafes owners.

It was only in 2002 that people in Burma, especially in Rangoon and Mandalay, got access to the Internet, provided by Bagan Cyber Tech, the first and only Internet service provider in Burma, although Myanmar Post and Telecommunication Ministry (MPT) had introduced a dial-up Internet service in 1999, with customers mainly from business groups and government ministries.

Bagan Cyber Tech also introduced IP-Star Internet connection in 2003.

Electricity Problem

Problems with government-run electricity have been no better, according to local Internet owners.

"We have electricity twice a week at night and its power is not strong enough to run a machine. So all of the cybercafés have got to have an electricity generator day and night," an Internet Cafe owner from Hakha told Chinland Guardian.

Another local from Thantlang Town said the electricity, although the monthly bill is paid, is not usable for running a machine, adding: "It is not regular and it is on only twice a week at night."

Bamarlay also highlighted the experience during the second trip made to Hakha in May 2005 that the blackout was worse then, with no electricity for the whole city at all for the whole day.

In Hakha, one gallon of diesel used for running an electric generator costs 5,300 kyats.

Fee and Connection

An hourly fee for using Internet is charged differently in Chin State, with only 5,00 kyats in Tedim, 1,000 in Tonzang and Thantlang, and between 500 and 1,000 in Falam, and Hakha.

Sources revealed that local internet users were charged around 3,000 to 4,000 kyats per hour when Internet cafes were first set up in late 2006.

Most of the cybercafé owners stressed that the amount of fees charged for using Internet depends mainly on the cost of fuel in towns.

In 2007, the Internet connection speed was painfully slow, and the cost was 2,000 kyats per hour while a normal fee in Rangoon was only 400 kyats an hour at that time, according to Bamarlay, who added: "Well, at least you are connected now."

There were reports of Internet connections being interrupted or cut off across the country during Burma's recent elections in 2010.

Local Users

With an increasing number of Chin people migrating into other countries, the Internet technology has dramatically attracted local users to keep in touch with family members, relatives and friends abroad.

Quite often, local internet users in Chin State faced new restriction and warning against visiting any anti-government websites and sending political emails or letters out.

A pastor from southern parts of Chin State, Rev. Shwekey Hoipang, currently based in the UK, said: "It is good that we now have internet services in Chin State. However, people in the south still have utmost difficulties in communication as there are only one or two Internet cafes for thousands of people in hundreds of villages."

It is estimated that Chin State has a total population of about 502,683, with 12 towns and 1,353 villages, 472 village tracts in nine townships, according to statistics by Ministry of Home Affairs in December 2004.

Chin State has been isolated and cut off communications from the outside world for decades. Till today, no tourists have been allowed to travel into the mountainous northwestern state of Burma, without a special permit to be obtained from the military authorities.

Source : http://www.chinlandguardian.com/news-2009/1308-the-internet-in-chin-state.html

Freedom House: Internet in Burma is 'Not Free'

Burma ranked second to last in Internet freedom in a report called “Freedom on the Net 2011,” released on Monday by information watchdog Freedom House.

Two Buddhist monks go online at an Internet cafe in Rangoon  
where owners are required to keep records of all users. (Photo: AFP)

While utilizing information and communication technologies (ICTs) for its own business and propaganda purposes, the Burmese regime aggressively regulates access to the Internet by its citizens and punishes them for online activity that is seen as detrimental to the junta's security, according to the Freedom House report, which surveys the current ICTs situation and trends in Internet freedom in Burma and 37 other countries.

“There has been gradual improvement in access to ICTs over the past three years, but the [Burmese] junta has also aggressively targeted users who are involved in anti-government activities or have contact with foreign news media,” the Washington-based information watchdog said in its report.

Cyber attacks, politically motivated censorship and government control over Internet infrastructure are among the growing threats to Internet freedom, the Freedom House report said.

executive director of Freedom House. "Nondemocratic regimes are devoting more attention and resources to censorship and other forms of interference with online expression."

Freedom House, a non-governmental organization, was founded in 1941 and conducts research and advocacy on democracy, political freedom and human rights. The organization publishes an annual report each year.

“Freedom on the Net 2011” follows a pilot edition that was released in 2009. The report evaluates Internet freedom in each of the 37 countries based on barriers to access, limitations on content and violations of users' rights.

There are two main Internet service providers in Burma: Myanmar Post and Telecommunication (MPT) and Yatanarpon. According to the Freedom House report, the military regime controls the Internet infrastructure in two ways: total shutdowns and temporary reductions in bandwidth to slow the flow of information.

Chart: The Economist

“Yatanarpon Teleport blocks almost all Burmese exiles and foreign Burmese-language media outlets and blogs, as well as the sites of dozens of foreign newspapers and television networks,” said the report. “It also blocks the websites of international human rights groups.”

The report also highlighted the fact that only one percent of Burma's population of 53.4 million are Internet users and the over 520 registered cyber cafés are located mainly in a few major cities.

Although there is now over 10,000 blogs by Burmese nationals, only 52 percent of Burmese bloggers write from Burma and the rest write from abroad.

Since its 2007 crackdown on the “Saffron Revolution” led by Buddhist monks, the military regime has more strictly enforced the ownership of cyber cafés and required them to monitor users’ screens and cooperate with criminal investigations.

Both online and off-line censorship and information controls increased surrounding the November 7, 2010 national elections, and Internet connections were interrupted between late October and the end of December 2010.

The junta also set up a “Blog Supervising Committee” in every government ministry in late 2007, and instructed civil servants to write pro-government blogs to counter outside bloggers and foreign or exile media, and to attack democracy activists like Aung San Suu Kyi.

Many leading exile websites—including The Irrawaddy, Mizzima, Democratic Voice of Burma, and New Era Journal—have been temporarily shut down by hackers since 2008. All of the attacks to date have been distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks.

Military sources inside Burma said that the junta has dispatched officers to Singapore, Russia, and North Korea for information-technology training, and that these officers are assigned to monitor e-mail messages and telephone conversations and to hack opposition websites.

China also provides training and assistance, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.

The regime has promulgated three laws regarding ICTs: the Computer Science Development Law that made possession of an unregistered computer modems and connection to unauthorized computer networks punishable by up to 15 years in prison; the Wide Area Network Law; and the Electronic Transactions Law, under which Internet users face prison terms of 7 to 15 years, and possible fines, for “any act detrimental to,” and specifically “receiving or sending and distributing any information relating to,” state security, law and order, community peace and tranquility, national solidarity, the national economy, or national culture.

The new Constitution, drafted by the junta and approved in a highly-criticized 2008 referendum, does not guarantee Internet freedom.

The Freedom House report found that Estonia had the greatest degree of Internet freedom among the 37 countries examined, while the United States ranked second. Iran received the lowest score in the analysis and Burma received the second lowest. Eleven countries received a ranking of “Not Free,” including Belarus, Burma, China, Cuba, Saudi Arabia and Thailand.

Source :  http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=21135&page=1

Will the Internet help trigger the next uprising in Burma?

Rangoon (Mizzima) - As the Internet and social media spread news of civil unrest and demonstrations in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen and Libya, the military junta in Burma is afraid that the young generation here will follow suit. All news is suppressed and–as the best indicator of the junta’s concerns–Internet speed is down to a trickle.

But can the Internet-driven revolution in the Middle East really be replicated in Burma? If we take a close look at the situation in Burma, and look at its rather unique characteristics and backwardness, we see that there is little chance of the Internet playing a significant role in stirring up anti-government protests. If there is to be radical change, other factors will have to come into play.

Let’s look at the Internet and communications in Burma. Internet access is largely confined to the two major cities, Rangoon and Mandalay. Most of the Internet usage takes place in Internet cafes, which under government regulation have had to install URL-tracking software and CCTV cameras to keep customers under close surveillance. It goes almost without saying that all Internet outlets prohibit access to banned and blocked sites.

The number of Internet users reflects Burma’s depressing reality. In 2010, only 110,000 users or 0.2 percent of a population of 55 million Burmese used the Internet, whereas in China 30 percent of the population uses the Internet regularly. Even taking the most optimistic claim that there are a total of 500,000 users in the country shows the dire picture. And using the Internet as an information source is very limited. All sites and pages critical of the regime are banned and blocked, including the seemingly innocent pages of the Financial Times and the Bangkok Post, and, most importantly, Twitter and YouTube. Facebook can be viewed but being able to send messages from one’s Facebook account is like winning the lottery–mostly the sent messages do not get sent.

Internet Usage and Population Statistics:

YEAR	Users	Population	% Pen.	GDP p.c.*	Usage Source
2000	1,000	54,021,571	0.002 %	US$ N/A	ITU.
2008	40,000	47,758,181	0.1 %	US$ 479	ITU.
2009	108,900	48,137,741	0.2 %	US$ 459	ITU.
2010	110,000	53,414,374	0.2 %	US$ 469	ITU.

Note: Per Capita GDP in US dollars, source: International Monetary Fund.

Source: Internet World Stats, June 2010

Although young Internet users know how to access banned sites, government surveillance is frightening, the painstakingly slow Internet speed discouraging, and the frequent power blackouts very frustrating. Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who recently had installed what is advertised as a ‘high-speed’ broadband Internet connection talked of the need ‘… to increase the Megabytes’.

Glass-fiber cables are being installed in Rangoon but the advertised capacity of 30 Mbps has never been experienced. The installation fee of US$ 990 and monthly charges of US$ 35-110 for one line are clearly outside the reach of ordinary citizens who live of an average income of about US$ 30 a month.

Other communication devices also illustrate the backwardness of Burma’s infrastructure. All around the world mobile phones are an essential part of daily life. Not so in Burma. The most favorable statistics estimate the mobile phone penetration at 3.7 percent of the total population, which equals 2 million phone users. This by any standard is ridiculously low. Mobile phones are prohibitively expensive and do not allow access to e-mail or the Internet. The few government controlled operators do not support international roaming and even the international SMS service is blocked. The market price of a GSM SIM card came down recently. A GSM SIM card without a handset is now US$ 1,400-1,600 on the black market. The official price for a SIM card is about US$ 170 but nobody is willing to sell at that price. A new scheme has been announced in which pre-paid CDMA SIM cards will sell for US$ 600. But let’s see what the market price will be.

Even fixed-line phones are an unaffordable luxury. Only a small number of households have a phone line. The monthly rent for an average apartment in Rangoon is about 50 percent higher if it comes with a phone line compared to an apartment without an installed phone. The latest official data talk of 1 percent penetration.

The government does everything it can to keep its population in the dark by restricting what is shown on TV and in the press. As more than 80 percent of Burma’s GNP is generated in the agricultural sector and most of the population lives in villages and agricultural areas, no sources of information are available other than the government approved TV and press. Of course, the national press and the government TV do not report anything about the protests and uprisings in the Middle East. Fortunately, in the major cities and hotels across the country satellite TV is available although it is not officially allowed. The subscription costs are about US$ 400 a year.

Given these depressing statistics, the Burmese government does not have to be afraid of an uprising triggered by the Internet and social media.

Given the unlikelihood of an Internet-sparked uprising, what will it take to bring Burmese onto the streets as seen in 1988 or the monk-led “Saffron Revolution” of 2007?

It is dangerous to make comparisons with the Middle East. The major differences between the Arab countries and Burma make it very hard to imagine another uprising in Burma in the near future. Although the share of young and unemployed is higher in Burma than in the Middle East, the culture and education could hardly be more different. Western and Islamic nations have grown up in the Christian or Islamic tradition of violent conflict solution over the last 1,000 to 2,000 years. In contrast, 90 percent of the Burmese population is Buddhist, a culture that at heart is more peace-loving and less violent.

Many of the leaders of the Middle East protests have been educated at schools and universities in Britain, France or the United States, whereas only a handful of Burmese students have studied abroad and even fewer are willing to return home after finishing their education. The formal school education in Burma has gone downhill since the private and missionary schools were nationalized in 1965. The quality of school and university education is catastrophic and has resulted in generations of poorly educated students without any political mindset.

Most importantly, the violent military crackdowns of the earlier uprisings in 1988 and 2007 have left the Burmese population in fear. Many Burmese were afraid to listen to Aung San Suu Kyi’s first speech after her recent release from house arrest. They were afraid of being filmed by secret police, identified and later arrested at home at night as happened in the weeks after the 2007 demonstrations. Many young people refrain from any open defiance of the regime as their arrests could be followed by the arrests of ‘complicit’ family members. And the 2,200 political activists who still linger in prison are a constant remainder of the brutality of the regime.

Many Burma experts claim that cracks, discontent and envy among the military ranks might topple the ruling junta. But as past experience in Burma shows, a new military dictator is more likely to follow a military coup than a democratic revolution. The military has established a parallel society and economy with its own schools, universities, hospitals and living quarters. The military officers feel they are an elite class who are the only ones who can prevent the Union of Myanmar from disintegrating. They feel superior and look down on the people as lower class citizens.

The Burmese have learned after the mass demonstrations in 1988 that it is very hard to get rid of an old dictator, Ne Win, without inviting in a new one, General Than Shwe. This still echoes in a common Burmese saying: ‘Be careful when you kick out the old ruler, the new one might be worse’. This is certainly true for Burma. Will this be true for Tunisia, Egypt or Libya?

There is hope that the people in the Middle East will ultimately replace their authoritarian regimes. But in Burma, it is hard to look to the ‘new world’ of Facebook and Twitter to inspire a new uprising. If there is a spark, it may be more grounded. After all, it was a dramatic rise in petrol and food prices that sparked the revolt in 2007.

Mandalar Maung is a pseudonym for a foreign resident in Rangoon.

Source : http://mizzima.com/edop/commentary/5038-will-the-internet-help-trigger-the-next-uprising-in-burma.html

Government bans Internet overseas calls

Bangkok (Mizzima) – The Burmese Telecommunication and Communication Ministry has issued a directive banning the use of the Internet for ‘voice over Internet protocol’ (VOIP) overseas calls.

A modern Internet cafe in Rangoon, one of
many appearing throughout the former capital. Photo :Mizzima

 The directive, dated March 2, 2011, was issued by Managing Director Tint Lwin of Myanmar Communication, Post and Telegraph Corporation, saying that overseas calls made through VOIPs such as Skype, Gtalk, Pfingo and VZO are incurring losses to government revenue.

 It was unclear what penalty would apply for people using such services or how the use of the services would be monitored.

The directive was sent to the chairman of Myanmar Info-Tech Corp. Ltd., which controls all Public Access Centres (PAC), or Internet cafes, across the country. The corporation reissued the directive and circulated it on March 10.

Internet cafe operators told Mizzima that Skype and Pfingo VOIP services are used most for making overseas calls by Burmese Internet users.

The overseas call charges (international direct dialing, or IDD) by government-run Myanmar Communication are too expensive for many users, and it must also be paid in Foreign Exchange Certificate (FEC). The calls made over VOIP are only a fraction of the cost.

The overseas call (IDD) rate is FEC 4.5 (about 4,000 kyat; US$ 4) to the USA for the first minute; FEC 1.4 for Thailand (about 1,000 kyat). VOIP calls costs about 100 kyat (US$ 12 cents) per minute to the USA and 50 kyat (US$ 6 cents) per minute to Thailand.

The government sold pre-paid GSM SIM cards with cheaper call rates last year, and it was popular among the pubic. Since then, the government has stopped or restricted the sale of SIM cards since the November 2010 general election.

Internet café owners told Mizzima that they have not yet received any official communication about the ban.

There are two public Internet service providers (ISP) in Burma: Yadanapon Teleport and Myanmar Post and Telegraph (MPT).

The new directive will not affect a revenue loss for Internet café operators but only affect Internet users, an Internet café operator in Ahlone Township told Mizzima.

‘If they cannot make oversea calls through these VOIP services, they will instead use the Gtalk and Skype computer to computer service by making a pre-appointment with their friend or family members, since they will not be able to call directly to their phone’, said a café operator.

‘They must wait until their party is online. The internet connection is too slow here, so it will cause more inconveniences and difficulties for our customers’, he said.

Source :  http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/5022-government-bans-internet-overseas-calls.html

Sky Net Comes to Mon State

MOULMEIN—– Burma’s Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) Company has introduced the Sky Net phone program, which includes Internet, phone, and fax service.A MPT official, who sells the Sky Net phone program in Moulmein, the capital of Mon State, said one Sky Net package will sell for 800,000 kyat.

 “There is also TV line. But, you have to deposit 108,000 kyat per year. For the phone, you have to pay 50 kyat per minute. If you deposit 10,000 kyat, you will get 300 minutes for one month,” she said.

She also explained that “if you join Internet line 123 you have to pay 35,000 kyat per month. For Internet line 256, the customer has to pay 45,000 kyat and for line 512 it is 55,000 kyat per month.”

Internet speed for 1MB requires a 95,000 kyat fee and a 145,000 kyat monthly fee for 2MB.

Customers are forced to apply to the Burmese authorities in order to get permission for using the Internet.

“Because they will use the Internet, everyone has to apply first,” the MPT saleswoman said.

Many residents in Moulmein are interested in the Sky Net phone, which they hope will get high speed Internet.

An Internet trainer for students at Mawlamine [Moulmein] University said, “IP Star [satellite broadband service] sometimes was not able to open G-talk because of the extremely slow connection.”

“Therefore, I hope this Sky Net will be better,” he said.

“We plan to open an Internet shop if this [Sky Net] is really good. But, we are checking how fast it is [first],” said the Hthin Oung Internet shop supervisor in Thanphyuzyart Township.

Burma introduced a cellular phone system in 1993, followed by the CDMA system in 1997, the GSM system in 2002 and CDM-450 MHz in 2008.

MPT remains the only mobile phone service provider in Burma. According to available statistics, Burma had 375,800 GSM subscribers at the end of 2008, up from 211,812 in 2007.

CDMA-based network subscribers numbered 205,500 in 2008.

Central Marketing Company, a division of Htoo Trading Company, is owned by wealthy businessman Tay Za. He introduced a one-use prepaid GSM mobile phone service and CDMA-450 MHz mobile phone SIM cards jointly with state-owned MPT early this year. Tay Za is close to Senior General Than Shwe and his family.

Source :  http://www.bnionline.net/news/imna/10099-sky-net-comes-to-mon-state.html

Suu Kyi Readies for Cyberspace

(Photo: Getty Images)

Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who this week received an Internet connection at her Inya Lake home, said she will use the cyber tool to connect with her supporters without concerning herself with any surveillance by the Burmese military authorities, according to members of her political party.

The 65-year-old democracy icon has never surfed the Internet before, but was connected with an Internet line on Thursday by state-owned Yatanarporn Teleport, said Nyan Win, a spokesman for her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).

Nyan Win said that Suu Kyi first applied for an Internet service from a private company in Rangoon; but when that was unsuccessful, she applied to Yatanarporn Teleport at a cost of 1,020,000 kyat (US $1020).

Yarzar, an NLD youth leader, said he has expressed concerns to Suu Kyi about the complete lack of security on the Internet in Burma, but the latter said she did not care about it at all.

“I told her the Internet security should be a worry for her. But she said she would not do anything in secret and has nothing to hide from the government.” he said, adding that the Noble Peace Prize Laureate can skillfully operate a computer and can learn the Internet quickly.

“She knows that many Internet websites are banned in this country, but we will teach her how to bypass through proxy websites,” Yarzar said.

During detention, Suu Kyi expressed a desire to use social networking site Twitter to reach out to young people around the world. Since her release, she has even suggested to her political colleagues to communicate with each other by Internet.

But Suu Kyi's idea of becoming politically active via the Web in a country where electricity is so unreliable and infrastructure is so poor, has amused some of her political colleagues.

Siang Chin Thang, an ethnic Chin leader, recently said he was amused when Suu Kyi talked to him and other ethnic leaders just after her release about the possibility of holding discussions with them via the Internet.

“Let alone the use of video conference on the Internet, we don't even have the proper telephone lines,” he said. “Apart from that, the electricity goes on and off. We did not comment on her idea.”

Yarzar said he also doubts about the effectiveness of Internet for Suu Kyi's purposes of communicating with people inside Burma, but said that that it will be easier for her to connect with professionals and young people outside the country.

In the recent past, the Burmese regime has used the Electronics Act in jailing well-known dissidents, such as comedian Zarganar.

Asked if Suu Kyi would risk violating that law when using the Internet, Nyan Win, the party spokesman and her lawyer, said that she has “computer technology advisers.”

Since her release, Suu Kyi has avoided going out of Rangoon and has made no trips to other parts of the country to rally the support of the people—an apparent attempt to avoid confrontation with the regime.

These days, she spends most of her time meeting with her party members and foreign diplomats. She recently said that she no longer has time for her regular meditation sessions.

“She is so tired and worn-out these days. Her health is suffering,” said Nyan Win.

Source : http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20583

Myanmar's Internet 'under attack' ahead of election

YANGON — A massive cyber attack has crippled Internet services in Myanmar ahead of Sunday's election, IT experts and web service providers say, raising fears of a communications blackout for the vote.

Internet users in the military-ruled country have reported slow connections and sporadic outages for more than a week, and some suspect the junta may be intentionally disrupting services to block news flowing out.

Web service providers have blamed the troubles on outside attacks.
"Our technicians have been trying to prevent cyber attacks from other countries," a technician from Yatanarpon Teleport Co. told AFP on condition of anonymity.

"We still do not know whether access will be good on the election day," he added.
A technician from private web provider RedLink Communications Co. said there was still intermittent loss of Internet connection.

"The technicians are trying to fix it.... We cannot tell exactly when it will be back to full service," he said. "We don't know the source of the attack yet."

Experts say Myanmar's Internet system has been overwhelmed by a flood of incoming messages known as a Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attack.

US-based IT security firm Arbor Networks says the main state-owned Internet provider Myanmar Post and Telecommunications "suffered a large, sustained DDoS attack disrupting most network traffic in and out of the country."

The onslaught was "several hundred times" more than enough to overwhelm the country's terrestrial and satellite links, it estimated.

The motives for the attack were unclear, but "large-scale geo-politically motivated attacks -- especially ones targeting an entire country -- remain rare," Arbor Networks chief scientist Craig Labovitz wrote in a blog posting.

Some Internet users believe the authorities are intentionally slowing services ahead of Sunday's vote, the first in 20 years in Myanmar, which is also known as Burma.

"Although they said the connection has been attacked, it's hard to believe. I think they have been doing it intentionally for the election day to delay news reaching the international community," said Kyaw Kyaw, a 25-year-old university student in the main city Yangon.

The polls have been widely criticised by pro-democracy activists and Western governments as being aimed simply at prolonging military rule under a civilian guise.

Foreign journalists and election monitors are not being allowed into the country for the election.
Connections have also been slowed down on politically significant dates, such as the August 8 anniversary of a mass political uprising in 1988.

In September of this year, the websites of Myanmar exile media organisations were temporarily crippled by DDoS attacks on the third anniversary of a crackdown on the "Saffron Revolution" monk-led protests.

Even in normal circumstances, the web's reach outside the major cities of Yangon and Mandalay is severely limited.

Just one in every 455 of Myanmar's inhabitants were Internet users in 2009, based on statistics from the International Telecommunication Union, a UN agency in Geneva.

Media watchdog Reporters Without Borders describes Myanmar's legislation on Internet use, the Electronic Act, as "one of the most liberticidal laws in the world", with online dissidents facing lengthy prison terms.

Source : (AFP) – Nov 4, 2010